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  • The content of the tragedy “Alcestis” by Euripides

    The content of the tragedy “Alcestis” by Euripides

    Author of the text: Friedrich Hohenstaufen
    Written in 2021

    Russian and Ukrainian versions

    Of the surviving tragedies of Euripides, the oldest by chronology was the drama “Alcestis” staged in 438 BC. It was staged together with the now lost plays “Cretans”, “Telephus” and “Alkmeon in Psophida”. In that year at the competition tragedians this tetralogy took second place, and the first was taken by none other than Sophocles himself. Of the undelivered plays potentially interesting could be “Cretans” — the story of the Cretan princess Aeropa, secretly in love with a young warrior. Upon learning of this, the angry father ordered a Greek sailor to drown the princess in the sea, but he took pity on the girl and took her to Greece. Ancient authors tell us that the beautiful arias from this tragedy, in which Aerope poured out her failed love, were sung in Athens long after the poet himself had already died. The theme of romantic love, therefore, already in the earliest work of Euripides, comes to the surface in a very powerful stream, and Euripides was appreciated from the very beginning for his melodramatic nature. But we had better turn to the only surviving tragedy of this cycle, the myth of Alcestis. In a very brief form, the plot of the play is as follows: Alcestis agreed to sacrifice her life in order to save her husband, the king of Feres named Admet. But the hero Heracles, who was visiting Thera at the time, defeated the “demon of death” in battle and brought Alcestis back to the world of the living. The hero Admetus was a character who also appeared in the myths of the Caledonian Hunt, and even in the myths of the Argonauts, i.e. this is a very large figure, equal to the Athenian Theseus. From the backstory, which Euripides tells us, we know that the god Apollo himself served Admetus as a shepherd (he was punished by Zeus for his transgression with this slavery), and it was he who, in order to save the king, obtained from the Moires themselves that in case of the date of his death someone else would go to Hades. It is Alcestis who becomes this “other”.

    Despite the fact that female characters play major roles in most of Euripides’ plays, ancient comic poets (especially conservative ones like Aristophanes) tended to portray Euripides as a complete misogynist. We will return to this theme many times, but it is already worth saying here that on the whole this makes sense. Euripides is often justified by the fact that he wrote the feminist play Medea, which is full of compassion for women, and this is true (although Medea is not a good character). The mere fact that women are constantly cast in the lead roles should tell you something. And lovers of stoic and heroic pathos can even say that Euripides’ women are masculine, i.e. “sublime”, so he is not just not a misogynist, but praises women as equal to men. The image of Alcestis sacrificing herself for her husband is the first in a series of such examples. From this we could conclude that “misogyny” from the critics’ point of view consisted only in the fact that the female characters of Euripides were too “masculine” in their character, and this meant only that the poet did not like to portray “feminine” women (and dislike of femininity is the same as dislike of women as such). But in most cases, women sacrifice themselves for men, women are instructed, unless there is a force majeure case, to stay at home and fulfill all patriarchal norms. And in some plays one can even realize that by showing strong-willed women, Euripides is appealing to men not to be inferior to women. His motivation most often seems dubious and far from feminism and any progressive ideas (often women put the greatness of the state above their lives). And the emphases he places are also typical. Euripides will contrast the right women, who are a minority in society (or even only in his plays), with the “typical woman” from real life, and in this respect he expresses a quite contemptuous attitude towards the opposite sex. Even so, we still cannot say that Euripides was a stranger to sentimentality; for example, he was the first of the playwrights who treated the subject, who brought Alcestis‘ children on stage to bid farewell to their mother. Love for solid characters and stoic virtues does not cancel the fact that Euripides sees humanity in man, and recognizes the legitimacy of many mental weaknesses. However, it is also impossible to “justify” the poet by saying that he was definitely not a misogynist. In “Alcestis” and “Medea” notes of anti-feminism are not yet so noticeable, but in the following plays they will be more and more.


    As a work, “Alcestis” immediately breaks out of the already familiar range of plays, since it is a tragedy with comedic elements, although it is not presented as a “satyr drama”. That is to say, these are the first conscious tragicomic productions in history; and Euripides himself may be regarded as the antique counterpart of the bourgeois “bourgeois drama” which would supposedly emerge only in the Modern Age. This tragedy was staged in the greatest chronological proximity to Sophocles’ Antigone as well. Similarities in these writers, however, are found a little, and only with the three first chronologically Sophocles’ plays. In “The Trachiniae”, “Ajax” and “Antigone” we see Sophocles, who was still in extreme proximity to Pericles and his court, living in an atmosphere of sophistry ideas. In this period of Sophocles’ work, he was interested in the women’s question, the natural equality of people and the conditionality of slavery, the superiority of knowledge over faith, and the erection, on this ideological basis, almost full-fledged “Stoic” ethics. He promotes the theme of humanism and sympathy even towards slaves; he shows that women too are capable of fortitude and prudence, and that love (passion) leads not only Dejanira, but also the courageous Heracles! All these themes have only been hinted at by him, but have not yet been put in all seriousness, nor fully revealed. Just all this will be done by Euripides.

    As usual, we will consider first of all worldview moments, the place of Euripides’ poetry in the history of ideological development, philosophical and political agenda of Greece. In this respect, it is immediately striking that the aristocratic god Apollo is portrayed in the play in slightly negative tones. It is not enough for the god that he has saved a friend by giving the life of his wife in return. Now he goes to take Alcestis with a gun in his hands, risking to violate the divine laws, and all this just to please his friend again:

    (Demon of Death) What have you forgotten? Why are you wandering around
    Wandering, Phebus, and again
    From the underbottom.
    Why, offender, why do you take them away?
    Or is it not enough for you that Admetus
    that you prevented his death, that by art
    of the maidens of fate?
    Why dost thou take up thy bow with thy hand?
    Did not Pelias’ daughter herself
    who was willing to die for her husband?
    (Apollo) Dare: only truth and glory are with me.
    (Demon) Only truth? What’s this bow for?
    (Apollo) It’s a habit, demon.
    (Demon) To help houses like this one,
    At least against the truth, god, isn’t it?

    We are shown here a very dubious god who argues by force, and resorts to tricks to break laws and justice; although to his credit, against the background of the same Hercules, he does not use force. But it is hard to say that the god’s behavior here is morally approved. In the same dialog, Euripides goes further, recalling the political engagement of this deity:

    (Demon) Is your law designed for the rich?
    (Apollo ironically) What a fine mind… Who could have expected it?
    (Demon continuing) Until old age from Death to buy off….
    (Apollo silent) So, Alcestis me you will not give me?
    (Demon) Yes, I will not. You know my character …

    The fact that the play’s protagonist, Alcestis, is an admirable person is told almost head-on in the boldest of strokes; and one of the main reasons for this assessment is that she sacrifices herself to save her husband. The very fact of her self-sacrifice makes her “the best of women,” also because by doing so she demonstrates the highest degree of love and devotion. Therefore, when such an important character dies, Euripides shows us a whole ocean of emotions; the suffering of the husband and wife because of the forced separation, the grief of their children, and even a sense of horror at the premonition of death in Alcestis herself. Unlike other playwrights who tried to emphasize the pathos of the sacrificial scenes by demonstrating the stoic will of the characters, Alcestis (still holding her own) shows weakness and fear of the afterlife. Technically, from a classical perspective, this should have diminished the value of her sacrifice; but in fact Euripides only increases the audience’s compassion, and greatly improves the emotional dynamics of the scene. Alcestis gives her final instructions to her children and husband (including remembering to jealously forbid him to find a new wife, lest she plot against their children) and departs for Hades.

    The Alcestis bids farewell to her family.

    This whole scene is extremely overloaded with emotions. In some places it looks even better than Sophocles‘, but in other places, on the contrary, it is too much, which makes the performance begin to look unrealistic (cf. the stage behavior of 18th- and 19th-century society ladies, with the popular culture of “fainting”). At all times, from antiquity to our time, theorists and practitioners of art say that Euripides was a realist, while Sophocles idealized people, wanting to educate them in new, more “high” qualities. Therefore, Euripides was evaluated a little worse than the same Sophocles. But here even on the example of “Alcestis” we see exactly the same idealization of high and noble qualities of man. It is just that Euripides wished to cultivate somewhat different qualities, less “sublimely stoic” and more sensual-humanistic (we would say “epicurean”). The fact that Euripides was later considered a “lowly” poet is probably due to a perverse association with a number of false dichotomies (reason/feeling, good/evil, older/younger, male/female, white/black, virtue/dissoluteness, Romans/Greeks, Stoics/Epicureans, etc.). If we look at Alcestis, the characters of “exalted” characters are found here even more often than in the idealized works of Sophocles. The only question is the specific forms of this “sublimity”, and it varies.

    Returning to the first scene, to the conversation between Apollo and the demon of death, it is worth reminding that Apollo failed to defeat the demon, but in the best traditions of his image, this god gives a prediction. He says that Heracles will appear in the city and will take the girl to the world of the living. And so, after the scene with Alcestis‘ farewell, in the very next act Heracles arrives in the city. I.e. the motif of divine fate and determinism still penetrates Euripides’ work.

    Father-child conflict

    In the scene of Alcestis‘ funeral, we see another motif that distinguishes Euripides from all the previous plays of Aeschylus and Sophocles. Admetus’ father has come to bid farewell to Alcestis; but the son despises his old father, for the father, who already had little left, was unwilling to sacrifice himself to save his son; or since the role of sacrifice was chosen by Alcestis, the old man could have saved the girl by insisting on a substitute sacrifice. Since the father did not do this even for the sake of his own son, and by doing so he supposedly lost his “virtue”, his presence at the funeral is now perceived by Admetus as an insult to the memory of his wife, and to him personally (it should be understood that Admetus himself could not die, because Apollo arbitrarily decided to rewrite his fate, and someone must necessarily die in his place, but who exactly — it was not precisely prescribed, so there was still room for variation here). Not only the general idea of what is happening on stage, but also the narrative itself changes greatly. Sophocles never, even in moments when the “fathers” were extremely wrong, allowed their “children” such harsh expressions as we see below:

    Over the youth you ruined,
    Do you now come to weep? Condemned
    Before men enough, hardly
    You were even my father, old man.
    […]
    Your age was so short. What feat of sacrifice
    Thou couldst accomplish by thy sacrifice,
    What glory.
    Here
    Thou hast experienced all the happiness of man:
    Thou hast been king from the youngest nails,
    Thou hast had an heir. Behind thee
    All things would not have fallen to ruin. Thou darest not
    Thou darest say, surely, that I have insulted thy old age.
    I have insulted thy old age, that I have not been
    honorable. Oh, for my cares
    You and your mother have paid me handsomely.
    Please hurry up and have more children.
    More children, old man, or else who will be there
    to feed you, and if at last
    You die, who’ll clean up your corpse, who’ll carry it out?
    Who’s gonna take care of your corpse? Not me, not Admet.

    Of course, the society of “elders” from the choir, and the father himself, strongly object to such an impertinent tone. It could not have been otherwise:

    But what a tone, my son! Did you buy yourself a Lydian
    Or did you buy a Phrygian slave?
    I advise you to remember: a Thessalian,
    The free son of a free father.
    before thee. But your childish words
    cannot hurt me. I bore you
    I brought you up to give you your father’s house.
    To give thee, not that I should give thee,
    To buy you back from death with my life.

    The father’s argumentation is simple, the son cannot reproach him for his cowardice before death, because he himself is cowardly and allowed his wife to die in his place (a strong argument, but not really, if Admetus really had no choice because of Apollo, though the father does not know about it). Further reasoning in the dialog concerns whose life is more precious, the old man’s or the young man’s. And the question of “life-love” as such is raised separately here:

    You love life yourself, it seems. In your father
    Why don’t you want to recognize the same love?
    […]
    And you have the spirit to reproach others
    to reproach what you yourself are guilty of.
    Silence, child, we are all of us life-loving.
    I will answer to your scolding with sternness.

    The ideological motive of this dispute is obvious; it is all the more interesting because here the “old man” — the very one who is supposed to embody Sophocles’ “stoic” ideals — rationally justifies his vitality, even when his son demands that he be conventionally virtuous. Euripides generally agrees with the elder, since his son could not challenge any of his assertions, and began simply to press the old morality, the images of valiant death.

    (Admetus) But death will not bring you glory.
    (Feretus) No glory reaches the dead.

    By design, in the eyes of the theater’s conservative audience, the elder is supposed to be “downright” wrong, which in itself is a break in the pattern. And what is more, the chorus of elders chants that the young man should not argue with his father (which is generally “right” in the eyes of the audience); but this formal deference to the elders actually justifies a “lowly” attitude to notions of honor. Even in the very arrangement of roles there is a considerable irony over the “high” poetry of Euripides’ contemporaries. As for Euripides’ own position, it is ambiguous and will eventually lean to the “right”. He cannot dispute the arguments of the elder, but he does not want to fully sign under them either. For Euripides himself, the theme of “glorious death” is of great importance, and he will still try to justify this theme in his later works. Perhaps here, too, he sides with Admetus, but for some reason has made his father’s argument stronger. In that case, it’s a failure.

    Manifesto of Hedonism

    No sooner does the viewer recover from the violation of the “logic of virtue” that he has seen, than we are immediately shown Heracles feasting and visiting Admetus. And again strange things: everyone around knows about the mourning in the house of Admetus, massively dressed in black clothes, but Heracles does not prevent him from feasting! Why does everyone wear mourning? Sure, he even tried to leave, and yes, Admetus himself made his friend stay, out of hospitality, but does that justify such carelessness? Hercules in the story did not know that Alcestis was exactly dead (though he knew, or guessed, that she was near death!), and on this is built the attempt to justify him. But with or without justification, further events do not fit into any picture of the traditional hero’s appearance.

    Even the slave of Admetus (!) grieves, considering Heracles’ behavior inappropriate. And we remind you once again that Heracles in the plays of the previous authors, as well as in the Greek logic of myths in general, is an extremely “stoic” character, the embodiment of warrior virtue. Here, however, he is initially painted in rather negative colors, even against the background of a slave. And so, when Heracles finds that the slave serves him with obvious discontent; what does the hero decide to say about it? Does he try to find out what the cause is? No! “The embodiment of the virtues” Heracles lays out a little manifesto of hedonism to the slave!

    You! Why lookest thou sullenly, why art thou.
    What cares thee, slave? When thou hast served thy guests,
    Thou shalt not make them uncomfortable with a sad face,
    Be cheerful. Thou hast before thee a companion
    and thou hast puffed up thy face,
    and you frown, for the trouble of others…
    Come here, learn, you’ll be smarter:
    Do you know what our life is?
    Come,
    Don’t you know, slave? No one knows,
    If he’ll be alive in the morning. Our destiny
    No science can tell us the way,
    nor cunning can buy its secrets.
    Think it over and have fun. Behind the cup
    A day is yours, but tomorrow, someone else’s tomorrow?
    Thou of the gods art almost special, friend,
    The sweetest of mortal gods, Cypris.
    And all other things aside! My
    If I seem right to you, follow my words.
    If I seem right.
    Come with me,
    (clapping him on the shoulder)
    And we’ll adorn ourselves with wreaths
    From your gloomy thoughts the cheerful splash of wine.
    On your goblet, believe me, you’ll sail away.
    But to the pompous and gloomy, if thou take my judgment.
    Thou wilt accept my judgment, not life but torment.

    Is this not another insult to the whole “virtuous” public? But to somehow smooth things over for the further plot, we are reminded that Heracles did not know about Alcesta’s death; he himself is fiercely indignant when he learns about it from a slave, and even realizes that his behavior was improper. But has his position — «of the gods almost especially, friend, the sweetest to a mortal, Cypris”- ceased to be his position? Certainly not. The image of Hercules is greatly altered here.

    A love story

    Despite the fact that “deception is bad,” Hercules is not angry at his friend, and decides to help. In many ways, he does so because of the same principle of hospitality. Admetus, even in mourning, did not want to reject his friend and burden him with his troubles, and perhaps he was wrong here; but the guest was well received, and so must, as it were… repay the good reception. So Heracles goes to Hades, where he defeats the demon of death in battle (thus fulfilling Apollo’s prophecy from the beginning of the play), takes Alcestis, and places her in the hands of his friend.

    With heavy right hand struck
    He did not deprive me of my feast,
    He honored in me so noble a guest.
    In Thessaly, in all Hellas.
    Who can compare with him in hospitality?

    Euripides talks a lot about fate in these last scenes, as if trying to further justify the deed of Admetus (that he gave his wife instead of himself, did not prevent her), and shows us an amusing scene of exactly how Heracles hands Alcestis back. He doesn’t reveal her name first (!), as if playing a game with Admetus. He does this so that in front of his wife he can reaffirm his loyalty to her, and after that she would reveal her identity to him. Everything goes according to plan and we get a happy ending. The gods did not punish Admetus for his impertinent words towards his father; and Heracles did not lose his valor, even though he was clearly nihilistic. On the whole, everyone should be satisfied (Happy End), but Euripides still left quite a few ideological barbs in the direction of the “mainstream” of his time.

    Heracles brings back Alcestis

    What is separately striking is that we get very atypical characters and an atypical plot. The main characters are idealized lovers. Their tragedy is built on their personal, inner feelings, on their love. To make such a plot the central theme, and even so that no one died, is highly unusual for the theater of that time. So there is also an atypical image for the father, an atypical image of Hercules and an atypical image of Apollo! If we try to describe the main innovations of this play, they are as follows:

    • more expression and feeling than ever before;
    • innovations with the presentation of material (silent tearful scenes and musical intermissions between acts, flashbacks and hallucinatory images);
    • paying attention to characters’ feelings and less “high” pathos;
    • deconstructing old characters and trolling the aristocratic notions to which Sophocles and Aeschylus clung.
    • The image of the “noble slave” emerges, a man of high spirits, highly sympathetic to his masters.

    Another important difference between Euripides and Sophocles (even the early ones) was the development of an intrinsic motivation for suicide for their characters. In Sophocles, suicide is most often committed out of shame for some transgression, or out of fear of punishment; this emphasizes how terrible the transgression was, that it is even unbearable to live afterwards. In Euripides it is the opposite, the motivation is explained by his own desire and good motives, the desire to make a sacrifice to save someone, and by this to show how great was the love.

    But the central theme of the play, if not in substance, then in form, is of course the importance of hospitality. Even in parting, Heracles reminds Admetus once again: And you yourself, always be just and honor your guest.” This is, literally, the “moral of the fable.” But if we were to reveal the plot of the play through the theme of hospitality, then all other moments would have to be relegated to the background. And this theme is essentially irrelevant. We can only note that the behavior of the characters, built around the notions of etiquette — quite traditional and patriarchal, and by making this theme the main theme, Euripides brings to the forefront the notion of moral duty of Heracles. Without this point, it might seem that Euripides is quite the “sophist” and has strayed far from the morals of his contemporaries. Of course, this is not true, but he took the place of “dramatic philosopher” for a reason, so that the “sophistic” elements in his work are significant, and more significant than in any other famous tragedian.

  • The formation of classical theology

    The formation of classical theology

    Pre-Philosophy Cycle:

    • The beginnings of philosophy in India and China.
    • Eastern influence (Phoenician, Egyptian and Babylonian philosophy).
    • Mythological stage (compressed mythology).
    • Heroic stage (compressed stories about heroes).
    • Homeric period, Cyclic poets and Orphism.
    • Context, role of tyrants and kings.
    • Nine Lyrics.
    • Seven Sages.
    • Formation of classical theology — you are here.
    • Pre-philosophy (final paper).
    • The Conflict of Pindar and Simonides (taken out of the series, will post elsewhere).

    As we have seen, the author of the “Telegonia”, Eugammon of Cyrene, was a contemporary of Thales, and thus a contemporary of a full-fledged philosophy, the so-called “Canon”. Some of the Cyclic poets developed at the same time as the early “Nine Lyricists” or “Seven Sages.” All of them, from Homer to Eugammon, systematized Greek mythology and religion. However, their works were disparate; they were written by different people and at different times. Moreover, if we accept that Homer did not exist as a real person, then the work of many wandering poets had to be collected, recorded and systematized into a unified whole by someone. The ancient Greeks even gave the names of these systematizers. We call the result of their work “classical theology.” In the following sections we will deal mainly with metaphysical, i.e., philosophical theology, but “classical” will always be implied somewhere in the background as the most traditional form of worldview in Greece.

    The Theology of Wonderworkers

    Philosophy in Crete, where all Greek civilization actually began, was represented by Epimenides (ca. 640-570), who is also sometimes listed as one of the “Seven Wise Men”. He was born in Festus, and later lived in Knossos; ancient tales portray him as a favorite of the gods and a successful soothsayer. According to Aristotle’s already rationalized interpretation, it is believed that Epimenides did not predict the future, but only clarified the dark past (i.e., he was a historian). He was considered the author of the books “Genealogy of the Curetes and Corybantes”, a large book “Theogony” (5 thousand verses), “The Construction of the Argo” and “Jason’s Voyage to Colchis (6.5 thousand verses together). In addition, he wrote a prose book “On Sacrifices”, historical and political work “On the Cretan polity” and “On Minos and Radamantes”. When the Athenians after the rebellion of Kylon wanted to cleanse themselves from “Kylon’s curse”, they invited Epimenides to offer purification sacrifices (596 BC); and then Epimenides performed the sacrifices, and as a reward took only a branch from the olive tree dedicated to Athena, after which he concluded a treaty of friendship between the Knossians and the Athenians. That is, he acted as a Cretan diplomat and politician. It is believed that he became friends with the sage Solon and influenced the reforms of the Athenian state system, and taught the citizens of Athens to be more pious and moderate in their lives, for which he was highly respected by ordinary Athenians.

    In short, Empimenides fits perfectly into the context of the work of the Cyclic poets and Orphic theology. Stories of miracles are also associated with him. According to legend, Epimenides fell asleep as a young man in the enchanted cave of Zeus on Mount Ida and awoke only after 57 years (and somewhere around this time he was visited in the cave by the philosopher Pythagoras, in the process of his move to Italy). This myth formed the basis of Goethe’s “The Awakening of Epimenides”. According to another version, while in the cave, he fasted and stayed in prolonged ecstatic states, being on a special diet, which was so simple that from such food he did not even have excrement. Epimenides was therefore often cited as an exemplary ascetic. In any case, he left the cave in possession of “great wisdoms.” Among such wisdoms, Epimenides is credited with a verse on the deceitfulness of the Cretans (quoted in the New Testament from the Apostle Paul in Titus 1:12), cited long ago in logicians as an example of a vicious circle; it reads “All Cretans are liars.” Since Epimenides was himself a native of Crete, this statement becomes problematic. If we assume that the statement is true, then it follows that Epimenides, a Cretan, being a liar, told the truth, which is a contradiction. Thus we can see the rudiments of dialectic and sophistry as early as in “pre-Phalesian” literature.

    It is also reported about a special cosmogonic doctrine, which terminologically and in its meaning adjoins the cosmogony of the Phoenicians; for example, according to Epimenides, the world had two beginnings — Aer and Night (which, if we believe the extant evidence, were considered important beginnings by such Phoenicians as Sanhunyaton and Mochus). And according to one version, Epimenides is also credited with the words quoted by the Apostle Paul in his speech in Athens (according to other versions, Paul quotes the philosopher Cleanthes, or the poet Pindar): “for by him we live and move and exist, just as some of your poets said, ‘we are his and his kind’.” In principle, the ideas about “air” and “night” converge perfectly with Orphic theology, represented also by Pherekides, whom we will consider a little below.


    Besides Epimenides, another poet who was a little more than a generation older than him came from Crete, Phaletes of Gortyna (ca. 700-640), a contemporary of such lyricists as Tirtheus, Semonides, and Callinus. He was invited to Sparta as the founder (or reformer?) of the Hymnopedia festival, and as a teacher who prepared Spartan choirs to perform at this most important festival for the Spartans (traditional dating: 665 BC). Already at the end of antiquity, Boethius in his work “Fundamentals of Music” reports that the Spartans preserved beautiful music for a long time thanks to the activity of Phaletes, who taught their children the art of music, having been invited from Crete for a great reward. In other words, Phaletes laid the foundations of Spartan musical education, the very existence of which explains the long and stable Spartan superiority in the musical sphere throughout the Greek world. Some ancient testimonies have been preserved that Phaletes, using music, pacified the internal turmoil in Lacedaemon. These are, first of all, Fr. 85 of the Stoic Diogenes of Babylon and the Herculaneum papyrus with the text of the treatise “On Music” by the Epicurean Philodemus of Gadara; it is also mentioned in Plutarch’s “Moralia”. All this is very similar to the activities of Epimenides, which he allegedly conducted half a century later, so perhaps the myths about them simply intermingled. By the way, the already mentioned conservative poet Tirtheus lived in the same Sparta at the same time as him, which brings these early poets very close together.

    Similar to Epimenides and Phaletes is also Aristeas of Prokonnese (c. 7th century BC), a traveler and “miracle worker” about whom Herodotus tells. He wrote the «Arismapic Poems”, an account of the Hyperboreans and Arimaspes in 3 books (and thus was a historian and geographer). He also rewrote Hesiod’s Theogony, in prose form. This moment is not unimportant, because it shows the freedom in dealing with the “great” authors, having almost religious significance for the ancient Greeks. In addition, prose translations always hint at the fact that the text has a wide mass reader; as we know, the aristocracy is quite comfortable with reading the verse form. The primitiveness of the Orphic and Pythagorean worldview is symbolized in some way by their belief in the existence of Abaris , another diviner and priest of Apollo. Abaris is thought to have come from Scythia, or directly from the land of the Hyperboreans. According to legend, he did without food, and flew on a magic arrow given to him by Apollo himself, which is why the Pythagoreans called Abaris “Air-breathing”. He allegedly traveled all over Greece, where he healed diseases with a word alone. He also built the temple of Kora the Savior (Persephone) and composed all kinds of sanctifying and purifying incantations, so that once stopped the plague raging in Sparta (this again coincides with the same stories of “purification” associated with Epimenides and Phaletes). Such an early belief in itinerant hermit miracle-workers, against the background of the primitive folk theology of the Orphics and Dionysians, makes the appearance of Jesus seven hundred years later not so surprising.

    Theology in the poems of Pherekidus

    Adjoining the Orphic cosmo-theogony is the worldview of Pherekides of Syros (c. 580-499). This contemporary of the philosopher Anaximander was the author of a book called Cosmogony. His home island of Syros, near Delos (the center of the Greek cult of Apollo), was in relative proximity to Athens, and judging from his years of life he may well have been personally acquainted with many of the region’s figures, such as Simonides. Authors such as Clement of Alexandria and Philo of Byblos state that “Pherekides received no instruction in philosophy from any teacher, but acquired his knowledge from the secret books of the Phoenicians.” It is stated that he then became a disciple of Pittacus and lived on Lesbos. It is also mentioned that he traveled in Hellas and Egypt. This makes him yet another Greek who was simply transferring knowledge from the East to Greek soil.

    Pherekides is considered one of the first Greek prose writers (Aristeas, Epimenides and Anaximander could argue with this). Pherekides’ largest book, entitled Cosmogony, adjoins Orphism in its content and resembles the work of Epimenides. In his Cosmogony, Pherekides recognized the eternity of the initial trinity of gods: Zas (a variation of Zeus, the etheric heights of the sky), Chthonia (the maiden name of Gaea, the subterranean depths), and Chronos (time). Zas becomes Zeus as the bridegroom of Chthonia, who as Zeus’ bride takes the name of Gaea (hence another title of his work, The Confusion of the Gods). And in other words we can say that under the action of time in the marriage of earth and sky all our visible world came into being. Pherekid proclaimed the eternity of the originals of the universe. It is known that Pherekid’s work began with the words “Zas and Chronos were always, and with them Chthonia”. Therefore, in his “Metaphysics” Aristotle not in vain calls Pherekidus among those ancient poets-theologians, “whose presentation is of a mixed character, since they do not speak of everything in the form of myth.” Pherekid also distinguished between three basic elements: fire, air, water — which Chronos created from his seed, and which further break down into five parts (according to Gompertz: the spaces of stars, sun, moon, air and sea), from which supernatural beings, a new generation of gods, arise. These are the Okeanides, Ophionides, Cronides, demigod-heroes and demon-spirits. Ophionides personified the dark chthonic forces. They are led by the serpent Ophion. They oppose Zeus, who after a brutal cosmic war overthrows them into Tartarus. In this struggle Zeus was supported by the Kronids, i.e. the Titans led by Kron. Obviously, Pherekid’s conception is more reminiscent of Orpheus’ work than Hesiod’s Theogony. The Theogony of Pherekidus also shows similarities with Orphic theogonies, such as the Orphic Hymns (created parallel to the Homeric Hymns, with the same purpose and similar content, but in a particular, “Orphic” style of telling the story of the gods). Both the Pherekid and Orphic hymns depicted primordial serpents and eternal Time as a god who creates from his own seed through masturbation. Such Orphic aspects also appear in Epimenides’ Theogony. Pherekid probably influenced the early Orphicists, or perhaps he was influenced by an earlier sect of Orphic practitioners; more likely Pherekid acted as one of the first systematizers of Orphism and the classical Olympian religion into a unified whole.

    Like many other of the poets and “sages” of the early period, Pherekidus is considered to be the author of “gnomes,” i.e., short sayings of wisdom, which in fact turn out to be rural sayings, and are most likely attributed to all these authors much later. Several of the most interesting ones can be distinguished from those of Pherekid:

    • Whoever wants to be virtuous is partly already virtuous.
    • Stupidity, laziness and vanity forever go hand in hand.
    • The best is the enemy of the good.
    • If poverty is the mother of crime, laziness is its grandmother.
    • Idleness is the mother of all vices and diseases.
    • Patience and labor give more than power and money.
    • Trusting your intuition is the first condition for great endeavors.
    • Instinct and reason tear the soul in different directions.
    • Knowledge not born of previous experience leads to mistakes and unnecessary suffering.
    • The diamond is polished by the diamond, and the mind is polished by the mind.
    • Geniuses stand on the shoulders of titans.
    • He who does not appreciate eternal life does not deserve it.

    Pherekides was famous for predicting the fall of the city of Messenia in the war with Sparta, shipwrecks, and especially earthquakes. Allegedly, he could predict an earthquake three days before it started, by the taste of water from a deep well (it was recently discovered that before the earthquake in the underground water really changes the concentration of gases and isotopic composition of chemical elements). Interestingly, earthquakes could also predict Anaximander of Miletus, and the structure of his cosmogony, according to Damascus, reveals similarities with the cosmogony of Anaximander. Indeed, in both of them the firmament breaks up into a number of autonomous spheres. The sundial (heliotropion) supposedly made by Pherekidus, according to Diogenes of Laertes, “survived on the island of Syros” even in his time. Finally, Heracles is said to have visited him in a dream and told him to tell the Spartans not to value silver and gold, and on the same night Heracles is said to have told the king of Sparta to listen to Pherekides in a dream. However, many of these miracles were also attributed to other legendary philosophers, such as Pythagoras or Epimenides.

    Pherekides was highly honored by his contemporaries (especially the Spartans) for his purity of life; and a “ήρωον” (“heroic” shrine) was erected near Magnesia in his honor. He is also known for having advanced the doctrine of metempsychos (transformations of souls). According to Cicero: «As far as is known from written tradition, Pherekides of Syros first said that the souls of men are eternal.” In connection with this teaching, he abstained from meat food, which also brings him closer to the Orphic tradition. This is why he was considered the teacher of Pythagoras, as noted by Diogenes of Laertes. It is claimed that after the death of Pittacus, Pythagoras’ uncle invited Pherekides to move to Samos and become the young man’s teacher.

    There are many conflicting legends that supposedly tell of the death of Pherekides. According to one story, the Spartans killed Pherekides and skinned him as a sacrifice, and their king kept the skin out of respect for Pherekides’ wisdom. However, the same story was told about Epimenides. Claudius Elianus in his “motley tales” wrote the following about the demise of Pherekidus:

    “Pherekides of Syros ended his days in terrible agony: he was infested with lice. Since it was terrible to look at him, Pherekid had to refuse to socialize with his friends; if anyone came to his house and asked how he was doing, Pherekid would stick his lice-ridden finger through the door slit and say that his whole body was like that. The Delosians say that their god, in anger at Pherekid, inflicted this affliction on him. After all, living with his disciples on Delos, he boasted of his wisdom, and especially of the fact that, never having made sacrifices, he nevertheless lived happily and carefree, no worse than people who sacrifice whole hecatombs. For these impudent speeches God punished him severely.

    The bust of Pherecydes on his home island of Syros

    Acusilaus and Theagenes

    One of the earliest systematizers of Hesiod’s theology was the historian and compiler of speeches, Acusilaus of Argos (c. 590-525). Although he was of Dorian origin, he wrote in the Ionian dialect. He was sometimes counted among the list of the “seven sages.” He wrote the book Genealogies, a prose historical work, which, however, already in antiquity was considered by many to be not authentic; it has not survived to this day. As the author of genealogies, Acusilaus is mentioned in the Byzantine dictionary “Suda”. The source of his genealogies was, according to the “Suda”, some bronze tables, which his father found in the ground. According to Clement of Alexandria, the historical work of Acusilaus was a prose transposition of Hesiod’s verses (cf. the miracle-worker Aristeas of Prokonnesos), but Josephus Flavius notes that Acusilaus made numerous corrections to Hesiod’s genealogies. Pseudo-Apollodorus refers 9 times to the versions of Acusilaus, noting both similarities with Hesiod and divergences with him. From the theogony of Akusilai, according to Dils-Krantz, only 5 testimonies and three fragments have been preserved, which in addition contain contradictions. Thus, very little is known about the teachings of the sage. According to Eudemus of Rhodes in the transmission of Damascus, Acusilaus believed the original to be the unrecognizable Chaos, from which Ereb (male) and Night (female) emerged. From the union of Erebus and Night were born Aether, Eros and Metis, and from them — many other gods. According to Plato, Acusilaus followed Hesiod in saying that Gaia and Eros were born after Chaos. Another source states that Aksusilai called Eros the son of Night and Aether. Be that as it may, it is obvious that Acusilaus was another systematizer of Hesiod’s and Orphic theology.

    Much later lived another writer and philosopher, Theagenes of Rhegium (c. 550-490), known as the first explorer and interpreter of Homer’s poetry, and the first to engage with Hellenic diction. Theagenes employed an allegorical method in explaining Homer’s poems and myths, defending his mythology against more rationalist attacks, perhaps in response to criticisms of early Greek philosophers such as Xenophanes. It has also sometimes been claimed that Pherekides of Syros anticipated Theagenes. And here is what the late antique Neopythagorean Porphyry says about it:

    The account of the gods is utterly embarrassing and unseemly: the myths which he [Homer] tells of the gods are obscene. Some find justification against this charge in the manner of expression, believing that it is all told allegorically about the nature of the elements. For example, by the antitheses of the gods [the antitheses of the elements are allegorically expressed]. Thus, dry, according to them, fights with wet, hot — with cold, light — with heavy. In addition, water quenches fire, and fire dries up water. Similarly, there is an opposition [~ hostility] between all the elements of which the universe is composed, and they are partly subject to annihilation at some point, while the whole endures eternally. Their [the elements’] “battles” he [Homer] and sets forth, calling fire Apollo, Helios and Hephaestus, water Poseidon and Scamander, the moon Artemis, the air Hera, etc. In a similar way he sometimes gives names to the gods and to the states [of mind]: reason (φρόνησις) is named Athena, folly Ares, lust Aphrodite, speech Hermes, and assigns them to them. Such is this way of justifying [Homer] on the part of style; it is very ancient and originates with Theagenes of Rhegium, who was the first to write about Homer.

    If indeed Theagenes reasoned about Homer in this way, then this allegorism is already entirely philosophical in character. And when Pherecydes is compared to him, this is what is meant, that even in Pherecydes simple philosophical elements and forces were hidden behind the images of the gods. And here it is really difficult to say whether Theagenes was systematizing Homer’s theology, or was turning Homer’s poetry into pure philosophy of nature. But we can clearly see that taking a step from Homer to philosophy was not at all difficult even for the ancient Greeks of the archaic epoch.

    Systematizing the theology of Onomacritus

    Probably shortly before the death of Theocritus, a compiler of oracle predictions named Onomacritus (c. 530-480), who lived at the court of the Athenian tyrant Pisistratus, prepared an edition of Homer’s poems, where they were first systematized and divided into “books” on the principle we still use today (so Theagenes of Rhegium probably did his research afterwards). The historian Herodotus tells us that Onomacritus was hired by Pisistratus to put together the prophecies of Museus, but Onomacritus allegedly inserted false predictions of his own composition into the text. This forgery was exposed by Las Hermiones (teacher of Pindar and opponent of Simonides), after which Onomacritus was banished from Athens by Pisistratus’ son, the tyrant Hipparchus, but he later reconciled with Pisistratus. According to the report of Pausanias Onomacritus was the first Orphic theologian and poet. His predecessors may be considered Epimenides, Abaris, and other mystics, as well as the work of Pherekides. Next to Onomacritus, Zopyrus of Heraclea, Nikias of Eleia, and the Pythagoreans Brontinus and Kerkops are mentioned in a similar role. All of them were considered to be the compilers of such mystical poems.

    Onomacritus in the Orphic verses [believed the beginning of all things] to be fire, water, and earth.

    It is true that the fact that he was engaged in publishing a corpus of Homer’s works makes him something more than just another systematizer of Orphic theology. He may be considered a systematizer of all Greek theology in general.


    In later times of Hellenistic Greece and Rome, the works of Orpheus, Museus and Linus were considered to have been created by the hand of Onomacritus (well and prolific Onomacritus in this case, whose works are searched for by the score of dozens, and the sources show that these three authors also refer to each other, which required an elaborate hoax). Therefore, there is a high probability that Orpheus and Linus are a solid modernization. At least, for the sake of saving the honor of Parmenides, any researcher will defend this point of view to the last, and otherwise most of the major philosophers of pre-Socratics will turn out to be banal relayers of Orphism ideas, and it will devalue the whole “breakthrough” of future philosophers. Yes, of course, the stories about the “seventh day” look too much like Christianity, and all the above about Linus looks like a retelling of Parmenides or Empedocles — and one can decide that the author of the forgery knew Christianity and early Greek philosophy.

    So it is officially believed that the “Orpheus” available to us, as well as the familiar to us “Homer” — is a generation of the era of Pisistratus, i.e. contemporaries of Heraclitus and Parmenides. Hence the great number of similarities. There is also an interesting testimony that “Heraclitus and Linus defined the great year as 10,800 years”. It is impossible to prove that Onomacritus, Zopyrus, Heraclitus and Parmenides did not use the same source. Nor is it possible to prove that philosophers copied from court theologians, or vice versa, that court theologians copied from philosophers. Therefore, we assume that a common source from the time of Homer — could well exist. We shall proceed on the presumption of confidence in the sources, and moderately admit the existence of the philosophy of Linus and Orpheus, just as in the case of Mochus of Sidon. As to what this common primary source might have been, we assume it to be the generalized philosophical views of the Phoenicians, Babylonians, and Egyptians.


    In any case, Onomacritus’ writings became a boundary, a “slice” in the development of ancient Greek religion. It is quite possible that to this “slice” the philosophical concepts already known at that time were added, strengthening some aspects of the original religion. But it is highly unlikely that literally all archaic sources were written by a single deceiver. Thus, sages named Epimenides, Aristeas, Pherekides, Acusilaus, Theagenes, and Onomacritus (and maybe Zopyrus, Nicius, Brontinus, and Kerkops) became systematizers of the theology of Homer, Hesiod, and the Orphics. It is quite obvious that most of the Nine Lyricists, the Seven Sages, and the philosophers of the Canon— shared their views, though the further we go into the future, the less influence of theology and the more common are secularized views, especially among philosophers.